The Langston Hughes Performing Arts Center was built in 1915 and is located in central Seattle. It was originally a synagogue, that was sold to the city of Seattle in 1969 and made a part of the Parks Department of Seattle. After it was sold to the city, it became the hub of African American arts and culture in Seattle. It was named after Langston Hughes, who was a black poet known for illustrating the black experience in the United States.
The Langston Hughes Performing Arts Center’s name was changed to the Langston Hughes Performing Arts Institute after a reconstruction from 2010-2013. A few years later, the LANGSTON non-profit organization was created to run the programming and preserve the mission of the institute, and to help it run as an institution independent of the city of Seattle. LANGSTON has a board consisting of 5 members that exists to serve the needs and interests of the community. LANGSTON’s mission statement is “cultivating black brilliance,” and its core values include “Sharing culture, promoting artistic expression, encouraging artistic excellence, facilitating cultural education and possibility, cultivating leaders, practicing radical inclusivity, and thriving as a self-determined community.” LANGSTON’s executive director Tim Lennon has expressed his worry about the changing demographics of Seattle, and specifically the central area where the Langston Hughes Performing Arts Institute is located. He cites this demographic change as further reasoning to preserve the black culture of the area, since there are few arts organizations created by and for black people.
The Langston Hughes Performing Arts Institute hosts many plays, lectures, discussions, workshops, and more. Such events give African Americans a important representation in the local community, encourages them to participate in their local culture, and gives them a voice within their community. Their most popular event is the annual Langston Hughes African American Film Festival, which has been running for 16 years now. It hosts black filmmakers, community leaders, and experts in the field of black studies to “exchange ideas with Black film as a catalyst for discussion.”
Connections to Contemporary Arts and Entertainment:
In contemporary society, the arts and entertainment we have such ready access to, has a clear racial bias and disproportionately portrays black people in a negative way, and stereotypes them. Black individuals in media are expected to be portrayed in positions of inferiority and weakness.
Black participation in theater and drama originated from minstrel shows, meaning that historically, black people (and those portraying them in blackface) were portrayed in a very degrading manner. This demeaning representation of Black people has in most cases become less blatant, but still clearly exists in mainstream media. Contemporary media and entertainment is undoubtedly centered around the experiences and culture of white society, and is inherently Eurocentric. This Eurocentric form of media has no interest in furthering the success of Black artists, whose ideas often directly conflict with the values of white media.
This is a widespread issue, and it has lead to a very skewed perception of black people in American society. It fuels the implicit bias that American society has, and essentially reaffirms the incorrect notions regarding black people that many have. Media which opposes the social expectations and racial roles of traditional media will undoubtedly struggle to gain mainstream popularity and success.
This is why the role of the Langston Hughes Performing Arts Institute is so important to Black artists in Seattle. This institution allows for art, created by and for Black individuals to be engaged with in an environment free from the racial biases of mainstream media. Furthermore, this hub for Black arts provides the Black community with access to media that wasn’t created by the white dominated mainstream media. The Langston Hughes Performing Arts Institute allows the Black community to view art specifically created to express the Black life experience. Not only is it more difficult for Black artists to find acceptance into mainstream media, but it is also more challenging for Black individuals to even begin pursuing art.
Pursuing the arts requires time, money and training. However, the Black community is also forced to deal with significant financial and educational barriers. And these barriers can limit the access that Black people have to the pursuit of art. The Langston Hughes Performing Arts Institute helps to break down these barriers by providing educational events and opportunities to learn from other Black artists in the community.
The Langston Hughes African American Film Festival, in particular, exemplifies the methods in which this institution supports the Black community. This festival exclusively screens films which were created by independent Black filmmakers. In addition, the festival also hosts workshops and discussions with Black filmmakers. This provides the Black community with the ability to engage with and discuss films that accurately portray Black life in America. The workshops and discussion based aspects of the festival provide education to developing filmmakers as well as opportunities to network with other local, Black filmmakers and community leaders.
African American Studies 101 | Livi, Kalina, Jakhai, & Alex
FOUNDING
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was first established in New York in 1909. Created to fight for civil rights, all branches operate under its vision statement asserting its purpose of “ensuring a society in which all individuals have equal rights without discrimination based on race.” The Seattle branch of the NAACP was founded in 1913 and is one of the earliest branches West of the Mississippi River. It was founded by a prominent list of middle-class residents in Seattle:
Dr. E. A Johnson – Presbyterian Minister
Rev. J. L. Williams – Methodist Minister
Horace Cayton, Vice President – Apartment House Owner
Samuel H. Stone – Caterer
G. W. Jones – Merchant-Tailor
J. I. Reams – Clothing Store Proprietor
Zoe Young (Zoe Dusanne) – Milliner
Bonita Wright – Property Owner
Mrs. R. J. Allen – Property Owner
Andrew Black – Attorney
Mrs. S. H. Stone – Property Owner
Rev. W. D. Carter – Baptist Minister
Samuel P. DeBow – Editor, Seattle Searchlight
William Chandler – Mover (Moving Express Company)
Benjamin F. Tutt – Barber
Letitia Graves, President – Hairdresser
Alma Glass – Dressmaker
J. H. (Henry) Graves – Chiropodist
Etta Hawkins – Property Owner
Beatrice Ball – Property Owner
G. W. Thompson – Grocer
L. Austin – Occupation Not Listed
Many of the founders were women, and a multitude of white members were admitted to the organization as the national office was convinced this would facilitate fundraising, “counteract prevailing white southern attitudes on segregation and promote interracial understanding” (Taylor 88-89). Although composed of white and Black members, the Seattle NAACP was established in the Central Area on Dearborn St. and 23rd Ave. The Central Area remains part of a “reverse L-shaped section stretching from the East Madison neighborhood south along 23rd Avenue,” which today is comprised of more African Americans than surrounding areas. This is largely due to a history of White apartment owners refusing to rent to African Americans outside this specific region who were bound to covenants facilitating the segregation of neighborhoods (Taylor 82-84).
GOALS AND ACHIEVEMENTS
To escape the horrors of the South, African Americans migrated to the Northeast, West, Midwest, and Northwest. Although it was less likely for there to be large populations of black people, a community slowly developed in this Central Area of Seattle. Spared from the lynch mobs and white rioters of the South, Black people still endured racism and discrimination even in this milder city of which “one local observer recalled as the ‘little nasties’ – behavior and actions serving to remind African Americans of their inferiority in an overwhelmingly white city” (Taylor 80). The Seattle NAACP was instrumental in combatting the racism and discrimination African Americans endured on a daily basis in social, political, and economic areas of society.
One of the first major accomplishments of the Seattle NAACP was removing the showing of Birth of a Nation from theaters within the city in 1915. Beginning with protests, efforts moved to letter-writing campaigns in which the first president of the Seattle NAACP, Letitia Graves, wrote to the national office in New York. Stating how she feared “nothing can be done to stop the showing of the film in Seattle” (Taylor 89), the City Council President Robert B. Hesketh ordered the chief of police to terminate all showings after learning of the NAACP’s concerns.
Before losing popularity due to the rise of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), the Seattle NAACP focused its efforts on fighting anti-intermarriage bills. As an organization built for civil rights, the branch believed this to be a vital effort in promoting its purpose of opposing discriminatory legislation. However, due to emphasizing more integrationist ideals, the more Black nationalist UNIA, founded by Marcus Garvey, gained followers. Its platform emphasized, “support for African independence, worldwide black political unity, and local economic self-sufficiency” (Taylor 90). Appealing to Seattle’s small Black population, the promise of returning people to Africa was coupled with an increase in racial pride. The Seattle NAACP was eventually “declared dormant” by the national office in New York (Seattle King County NAACP).
Once the Great Depression hit, the branch began to revitalize itself by focusing on integrating Black society into the job sector for economic healing. It took on many cases of employment discrimination, including one in which attorney Clarence Anderson was attacked by assistant tax collector Edward S. Streeter. With rage and resentment, Streeter asserted, “This is a white man’s office and a white man’s country” (Taylor 93). The NAACP exposed this investigation along with many others, receiving substantial publicity and providing awareness to the population.
More growth for the Seattle NAACP occurred during WWII with the continuation of remaining vocal against injustices toward African Americans in the employment sector. During the 1940s, the branch’s staff expanded, and leaders Bernard Squires and Napoleon P. Dotson assumed top positions. They were advocates for anti-discrimination suits and lobbying efforts for a fair employment practices act. In 1944, the Seattle NAACP, Urban League, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, Seattle YWCA, and more organizations formed a coalition to lobby in Olympia for such an act, modeling it after President Roosevelt’s Executive Order 8802 that “mandated a permanent state agency to prohibit racial discrimination in employment and to monitor compliance” (Taylor 171). Although the Washington Federation of Labor denied the proposal due to it seeming “communist-inspired,” the same coalition with more proponents in 1947 reintroduced the measure, leading to the passing of the Fair Employment Practices Act in 1949. Specifically, this act declared discrimination a “matter of state concern” and prohibited bias “because of race, creed, color or national origin.” Furthermore, the Washington State Board Against Discrimination was established as an overarching monitor of compliance (Taylor 171-172).
The following video articulates the Seattle NAACP’s movement to foster respectful and dignified treatment toward African Americans by police officers in Seattle. Former president Charles V. Johnson and member of the NAACP Executive Board speaks on this, known as the Freedom Patrols.
Open housing became a prominent issue during the 1950s-60s as efforts began to move members of the Black community out of the Central District, an area evident of residential segregation. The Seattle NAACP, with other organizations, consistently pushed for fair housing ordinance, but aspirations were diminished when Supreme Court Judge James W. Hodson overruled the Omnibus Civil Rights Act of 1957 making housing discrimination illegal in the case of O’Meara vs. Washington State Board Against Discrimination. He ruled the owner of private property retains control over whom he or she will deal with. The Seattle NAACP, supported by a community of individuals and organizations, began campaigning for a citywide open housing ordinance, leading to protests at City Hall. Eventually, the Seattle City Council agreed to create a Human Rights Commission to draft the ordinance, which was placed on the 1964 ballot following the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in Washington D.C. The landslide rejection of this ordinance resulted from white fears of declining market values in areas housing Black communities, sparking racial violence:
“In the suburb of Kent, for example, shotgun blasts were fired into the homes of two black families” (Taylor 205). Still determined to incite change, president E. June Smith declared, “We are not going to rest until this city becomes in truth an All-American city” (Taylor 205).
As Black communities engaged in sit-ins for direct action and supportive white residents began volunteering in the Fair Housing Listing Service as well as other fair housing organizations, such voluntary action contributed to Black residents’ ability to move out of the Central District by 1965. In addition, programs were initiated to rehabilitate impoverished areas and “condemned houses” on the edge of white neighborhoods.
The Seattle NAACP supported boycotts against segregation in schools, leading to the establishment of a Middle School Desegregation Plan in 1970. Never being finished, the NAACP threatened the Seattle Central Area school district with a lawsuit. The Seattle Plan was adopted for mandatory desegregation of schools in 1977 (Seattle King County NAACP).
More recently, June 27, 2009 marked the 2nd African American Legislative day held by the branch. This event engages the Black community with political officials, incites feelings of positivity and purpose in dealing with political issues, and attempts to increase the participation of African Americans in local politics. People can register to vote, take workshops to learn about the legislative process, and become involved in the most significant issues affecting the African American community (Seattle King County NAACP).
In 2015, following the Charleston church mass shooting, the Seattle branch held a rally in honor of the nine African American victims with the Washington Christian Leadership coalition. This demonstration portrayed solidarity with their deceased brothers and sisters, gathering the surrounding community as one (Seattle King County NAACP).
SIGNIFICANCE
The significance of the NAACP to communities of color and the broader community is to create a system of support for those who need it. It was created in a time when people of color were especially marginalized from society and needed resources to solidify their place in society and build a base to grow from there. Since then, the role of the NAACP has become more of an advocacy group for these same marginalized peoples. Because of the changing ways that Black people have been and continue to be integrated into and marginalized by society, their main roles focus on the enforcement of the laws to protect the rights of people of color.
From the website of the NAACP:
“Objectives
The following statement of objectives is found on the first page of the NAACP Constitution – the principal objectives of the Association shall be:
To ensure the political, educational, social, and economic equality of all citizens
To achieve the equality of rights and to eliminate race prejudice among the citizens of the United States
To remove all barriers of racial discrimination through democratic processes
To see enactment and enforcement of federal, state, and local laws securing civil rights
To inform the public of the adverse effects of racial discrimination and to seek its elimination
To educate persons as to their constitutional rights and to take all lawful action to ensure this exercise thereof, and to take any other lawful action in furtherance of these objectives, consistent with the NAACP’s Articles of Incorporation and this Constitution”
Through these objectives, the NAACP is able to use their position to the advantage of the people it serves. With this ability, they can address the current concerns of those who need their assistance by adapting their objectives to whatever is most important to them.
COURSE CONNECTIONS
The persistence of the Seattle NAACP throughout the course of its history is attributed to the course concept of the psychohistory and psychological understandings of African Americans. The field of psychohistory analyzes how the historical experiences of Black society during slavery and segregation influence their contemporary methods of liberation (IAAS 186).
“[E]ach succeeding generation of African Americans continues to advocate and seek more integration rather than strategic independence from oppressive forces” (IAAS 186).
As told by Quintard Taylor in The Forging of a Black Community: Seattle’s Central District from 1970 through the Civil Rights Era, the Seattle NAACP lost momentum with the emergence of the Black nationalist UNIA. It was criticized for emphasizing integration over African self-sufficiency and independence. Knowledge of analyses within the field of psychohistory draw connections with the historical fear of slaves when running from slaveowners. Any expression of the desire to be free and independent by slaves during slavery would be met with punishment and in many cases, death. This was because such behaviors threatened the legitimacy and dominant role of White society and slaveowners. Therefore, the NAACP’s reluctance to adopt Black nationalism and fight for African independence is possibly connected to the fears of slaves to fully challenge White authority. Advocating for integration advances the positions of African Americans in society, but also presents a milder approach for equality that pleases more Whites. Many White members were also added to the branch due to believing this posed great benefit in fundraising and the understanding of the broader community, reflective of the “psychohistorical dilemma that reinforces dependency on Whites” (IAAS 186).
However, the role of White folk in the Seattle NAACP does not undermine the persistence of African Americans to mobilize for their integration in society. Constantly faced with struggles such as lawmakers delaying the passing of vital legislation, racist expressions in the community such as the showing of Birth of a Nation, and even the Supreme Court perpetuating residential segregation by overriding previous legislation, The Seattle NAACP refused to become discouraged. Its mere existence and continual advocacy to this day is evident of how “African Americans may also push themselves harder to overcome the stereotypes of being Black and to succeed” (IAAS 189). When analyzed through psychohistory, this unrelenting determination stems from the experiences of slavery. Centuries of toil, stress, and being pushed to the maximum capacity of physical and emotional exertion passes down through generations of African Americans, resulting in their refusal to accept society’s establishment of their inferiority.
Some of the most monumental actions of the Seattle NAACP involved major issues such as housing segregation and employment discrimination. For example, concentrating the Black population in the Central Area and refusing to let this community move outside of this region exemplified redlining, a nationwide issue from segregation to integration resting in institutionalized racism. Furthermore, the branch’s involvement in establishing a Fair Employment Practices Act although faced with rejection before its passing was an effort to combat discriminatory practices contributing to wealth disparities between White and Black folk. Although key concepts in Black Studies, psychohistory underlies the efforts of the Seattle NAACP to deal with such issues and execute policy to solve them over time.
WHY IT STILL MATTERS
The mandate of the NAACP is still “ensure the political, educational, social and economic equality of minority group citizens of United States and eliminate race prejudice” (NAACP). As long as political, educational, social and economic inequality exists in the US, the NAACP still matters.
Current NAACP campaigns illustrate why the organization remains relevant. The Seattle King County NAACP successfully lobbied for the passage of HB 1453, a bill which enhances protections for rental tenants against evictions. HB 1453 is relevant to the NAACP because black renters face disproportionally high rates of eviction.
The NAACP’s successful aid in passing HB 1453 illustrates the crucial importance of the organization to “help…elected officials…to better understand the issues that disproportionally impact people of color, who are often the most vulnerable in society” (Sakin 1).
Another recent campaign illustrative of the continuing relevancy of the NAACP is the organization’s drive for the Washington Attorney General’s Office, rather than the King County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office, to investigate police-perpetrated shootings
The Seattle King County NAACP claims that the King County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office “has never exercised its authority to call for a criminal investigation of police-involved shootings in over a decade” (NAACP). The NAACP asserts that Washington State Attorney General’s Office is better able to operate independently of the Seattle Police Department and gain the trust of the community. Therefore, they recommend a change in the norms for prosecution.
Police brutality is an issue of unique significance to the black community. The NAACP is at the forefront of fighting for greater justice through legislative change. Therefore, the Seattle King County NAACP still matters greatly.
Sakin, Sadiqa. “NAACP Calling On Attorney General’s Office To Oversee Investigation In The Shooting Death Of Iosia Faletogo By Seattle Police”. Seattle Medium. 23 January, 2019.
Seattle NAACP. Seattle King County NAACP #1136. NAACP, 2019. Web.
Taylor, Quintard. The Forging of a Black Community: Seattle’s Central District from 1870 through the Civil Rights Era. Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1994.
What is the Shiloh Baptist Church?
Shiloh Baptist Church is a Black Baptist Church in the Hilltop neighborhood in Tacoma. Their church states that “Shiloh is a Church Where Everybody is Somebody and Christ is All!” The church seeks to provide religious engagement as well as support to its members and the broader community through their services and ministries. Shiloh Baptist Church holds worship services every morning at 8am, Sunday School at 9:30am, and a worship service every Sunday morning at 10:45.
When was it founded and who were the founders?
The church was organized on Thursday, July 23rd, 1953 at 2pm in the Holy Communion Episcopal Parish House at 1407 South I Street in Tacoma, Washington. The formation of the church began when two Christian workers at the McChord Air Force Base in Tacoma brought their concerns to the Base Chaplain E.H. Hankerson regarding the need for a church in their community. The council members serving at the time were Rev. F.W. Penick of Peoples’ Institutional Church, Seattle, WA; Rev. Norman Mitchell, Goodwill Baptist Church, Seattle, WA; Rev. Benjamin F. Davis, Mount Zion Baptist Church, Seattle, WA; Rev. Cornelius Brown and Rev. Horton, Seattle, WA. On December 31st, Reverend Brazill was called to be Shiloh’s first pastor who at the time was the pastor of Sinclair Baptist Church in Bremerton, WA. He officially began his position on Easter Sunday of 1955.
What is its membership?
The church’s current membership is over 900 members and approximately 300 attend morning services. Membership grew significantly under Rev. Brazill, as the church gained over 800 members since 1955. Rev. Brazill served for almost 45 years.
Senior Pastor Gregory Christopher
Gregory Christopher is the current pastor of Shiloh Baptist and has been serving the community since January 2000. He is the second pastor of the church, following Brazill. Pastor Christopher is greatly involved in the Tacoma community religiously and civically. Aside from being Shiloh’s pastor he is currently the President of the Tacoma Ministerial Alliance, a board member of the National Baptist Convention USA, the President of the Tacoma Branch of the NAACP, a member of the Tacoma Pierce County Black Collective and on the board of the Tacoma Urban League. Pastor Christopher has been a dedicated in advocating for health care. He was Arrested in Washington DC for protesting repeal of Affordable Health Care Act in 2017.
What are its achievements?
The Shiloh Feeding and Clothing Ministry was formed in 2001 and has served over 800 homeless, displaced, and transient citizens yearly since it’s formation.
The Rites of Passage, for African-American high school boys, and the Young Men of Distinction ministries were organized in 2008, these programs promote prevention of violence, education on drugs and alcohol abuse, and overall academic achievement.
The Approved Workers Are Not Ashamed ministry was formed by the church in 2006. This is an international ministry that is centered around children activities and provides programs for the youth in the community from preschool through high school.
Other ministries that Shiloh Baptist Church runs include several other youth ministries, a health ministry, young adult ministry, and a women’s ministry among others.
What are its goals?
Shiloh Baptist Church’s goals are seen in their outreach to the community through their ministries as well as their services. They are committed to giving youth and adults a place in their community and bringing God into their lives. Pastor Christopher brings God into the lives of his members through his sermons and the church works to support their community through their different ministries, such as AWANA, the Young Men of Distinction ministry, the Feeding and Clothing ministry, as well as others.
What is its significance to communities of color and to the broader community?
Traditionally speaking the African American church has always been a powerful pillar of strength and support within the black community. Ever since the time of slavery, African American churches have been bringing people together and have been doing good works for their communities. This fact holds true with Shiloh Baptist Church.
Shiloh Baptist Church is an excellent example of a powerful African American church supporting communities of color. Shiloh has several ministries including AWANA, The Rites of Passage, and Young Men of Distinction that focus on supporting kids of color in religious activities and education. The Health Ministry does workshops to provide community members of color information regarding healthcare and connects members to physicians and healthcare providers to keep their community healthy. The Clothing and Feeding Ministry reaches out to homeless and displaced members of the Hilltop neighborhood to provide resources. These ministries, as well as others, act as the different ways that Shiloh supports their community. This is important not only for the communities of color that it works closely with, but for the broader Hilltop and Tacoma communities as well. The church serves as a vessel for positive change and good public works for both the members of the church and members of the Hilltop community and the broader Tacoma community. In being a large church with over 900 members, a network of support is provided to all those who are a part of the church. Having a strong and positive influence such as Shiloh Baptist church serves as a pillar of support for all those within the community so that they may either accept the help and generosity of the church or aspire to create a similar pillar in their own intimate communities.
Historical Significance
Although many slaves were forced to convert to christianity where they were stolen from their homes and brought to the new world, religion become centered around the ideas of “protest and liberation” (Stewart & Anderson, 2015, p. 131). It inspired revolutions including the Nat Turner slave revolt. The first African American churches began to emerge during the late 18th century.
During slavery White masters were frightened of their slaves meeting for religious purposes fearing that meeting would lead to revolt and were subject to “strict surveillance by slave masters” (Stewart & Anderson, 2015, p. 131). Religion was a way Black people could come together and have a community through shared experiences. The religion forced upon slaves preached love and compassion, the opposite of the brutality of slavery. Howerever, “African American religion was born out of the contradictions of slavery,”and grew as a way to “protest racism” (Stewart & Anderson, 2015, p. 130). Black churches also contributed a great deal to the abolitionist movement.
Black Churches have also been targets for racist hate based violence. One of the most well known examples is the bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama by white terrorist in 1963, killing four little Black girls (aaregistry.org). However the African American church continued to serve as mobilizing force in fighting segregation and oppression. And many prominent civil rights leaders were ministers including Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
The African American Church is traditionally a strong pillar for the community it serves. This sense of community practice continues today in African American churches. Allowing members to come together and the church to grow through through volunteer work by helping others through raising money for community improvements. Symbolically speaking the African American church also represents a safe space for Black people in their communities. The church also provides education and mentorship opportunities for the youth in the community and is an institution that African Americans can consistently rely on for support if there are any personal struggles that one may have or if a tragedy has occurred. Black Churches “will hardly deny that they are not only religion but also political and economic institutions” that serve their constituents and are a source of community (Stewart & Anderson, 2015, p. 130).
